The Fourth Consensus
4. Member states agree that the comparative advantage of low wage countries should not be compromised.
This consensus is mainly in reply to the elimination of child labour. Child labour is crucial to some countries's economies. There is a great fear that labour standards that better the conditions and lives of
workers, will cost these developing countries their small vital place within the global market making their suffering only worse. I do believe that if capital continues to be allowed to flow from one country to the next, then labour standards will have served no purpose. I believe that unless there is a standard, a global standard, not an international minimum wage, necessarily but a consensus on products, and cost, and how much will be given to the workers. I think that if everyone had to sell a product for at least a certain amount, then there would not be a detrimental flow. The WTO and others believe that restrictions will not ensure equality so everyone may compete only on the basis of their natural talents, but rather that labour standards will create an inefficient system that will result in the ruin of eventually all markets within the global economy. It is important for the WTO and others to resist labour standards because they will lead to a global crisis, with lower quality products, less productivity, and less creativity amongst individuals.The WTO addressed to the conference on "Globalization as a Challenge for German Business":
The fundamental point is clear. Trade liberalization - not trade restriction - can be a natural ally of sustainable development. And vice versa. This fact was recognized in the Rio Declaration of 1992 when it observed that "an open multilateral trading system makes possible a more efficient allocation and use of resources and thereby contributes to an increase in production and incomes and to lessen demands on the environment".
Trade does seem to benefit the overall GDP of a country, thus allowing more money to be used for social programs. This philosophy suggests that if a developing country's people suffers for one generation, and they engage in free trade, then their children will have enough resources to have a higher standard of living. I suppose then there must be another reason, why some of these least developed countries have not improved as much over time. Of course the WTO has only be in existence for a couple of years, GATT did not have as much influence as the WTO has, so we will have to wait and see what occurs with these countries.
Meanwhile
studies fail to substantiate claims that weak labour standards in poor countries depress wages in rich countries. It is also argued that child labour in poor countries imposes emotional costs on rich-country consumers who find this offensive, and is thus another cross-border side-effect. If so, the rich would do better to send the children aid rather than impose harmful trade sanctions. If exports made by child labour are banned, children often end up unemployed or in unregulated sectors such as prostitution Nor, needless to say, does slapping trade sanctions on poor countries that employ child labour sit well with the WTO's aim of promoting free trade. The IMF provides us with this information: The most recent World Economic Outlook studies 42 countries (representing almost 90 percent of world population) for which data are available for the entire 20th century. It reaches the conclusion that output per capita has risen appreciably but that the distribution of income among countries has become more unequal than at the beginning of the century. But incomes do not tell the whole story; broader measures of welfare that take account of social conditions show that poorer countries have made considerable progress. For instance, some low-income countries, e.g. Sri Lanka, have quite impressive social indicators. The (inflation-adjusted) income levels of todays poor countries are still well below those of the leading countries in 1870. And the gap in incomes has increased. But judged by their HDIs, todays poor countries are well ahead of where the leading countries were in 1870. This is largely because medical advances and improved living standards have brought strong increases in life expectancy.But even if the HDI gap has narrowed in the long-term, far too many people are losing ground. Life expectancy may have increased but the quality of life for many has not improved, with many still in abject poverty. And the spread of AIDS through Africa in the past decade is reducing life expectancy in many countries. This has brought new urgency to policies specifically designed to alleviate poverty. Countries with a strong growth record, pursuing the right policies, can expect to see a sustained reduction in poverty, since recent evidence suggests that there exists at least a one-to-one correspondence between growth and poverty reduction. And if strongly pro-poor policiesfor instance in well-targeted social expenditureare pursued then there is a better chance that growth will be amplified into more rapid poverty reduction. This is one compelling reason for all economic policy makers, including the IMF, to pay heed more explicitly to the objective of poverty reduction.
The IMF also states that growth in living standards springs from the accumulation of physical capital (investment) and human capital (labor), and through advances in technology (what economists call total factor productivity). I interpret this to mean that if developed countries were provided with enough capital, and technology then less labour would be needed, so children could go to school, and after the GDP has risen, wages for workers should also increase. The IMF states that "what matters is the whole package of policies, financial and technical assistance, and debt relief if necessary.
Components of such a package might include:
* Macroeconomic stability to create the right conditions for investment and saving;
* Outward oriented policies to promote efficiency through increased trade and investment;
* Structural reform to encourage domestic competition;
* Strong institutions and an effective government to foster good governance;
* Education, training, and research and development to promote productivity;
The IMF has run into some
severe criticism:The leading financier, George Soros said the IMF does not understand the financial markets well enough to regulate them.
Labour organisations said the Fund had protected wealthy bankers at the expense of struggling workers. And some business people complained that the Fund had undermined confidence rather than restoring it.
Some critics say the IMF didn't realize the significance of the debts owed by the private sector soon enough.
They say it should have pressed for bank debt rescheduling from the start. The British government proposes to use its position as chair of the group of seven to press for reform, including more openness in the IMF's dealings with the countries it helps.
But even some of the IMF's sternest critics accept that without it, Asia's crisis would have been much worse.
It is hard to tell now whether free trade and having low labour standards in developing countries, is essential to their growth. For now the WTO's answer is that due to globalization, 3 billion people have been saved from poverty.
Globalization is a process driven by technological and economic realities. But
The first industrialized country, the U.K., took 58 years to double its per capita living standards after the industrial revolution; the US
took 47 years; Germany, 43 years; and Japan 34 years. But from 1966, Malaysia took just 11 years; Chile 10 years, and China 9. Moreover, these periods continue to shrink. Ten developing countries,accounting for almost a third of the world's population - or over 1.5 billion people - more than doubled their average per capita income levels between 1980 and 1995. All this is happening because these countries have chosen to join the world economy and to open their borders. Who can claim that this is a bad thing? Look at the figures for the German economy. Germany remains the third largest economy in the world, the second largest trading power, and a central pillar of an expanding and dynamic European Union. Last year exports
accounted for over 30 per cent of Germany's GDP, up from 15 per cent in 1970. A large share of these exports - some US$ 290 billion in 1995 - still go to fellow members of the European Union. But the fastest growing share of German exports - from US$ 165 billion in 1990 to US$ 218 billion in 1995 - are now destined for world markets outside of the EU.
Both Germany and US have many social programs, with a minimum wage, social security, unemployment, disablity benefits, mandatory education for children, access to technology, and governments that respect every citizen's rights, individuality, equality and protect their lives. I cannot argue that trade has helped countless countries, to prosper and succeed. But I fear that unless the people in the governments of these countries do not follow these same democratic principles which do not arise from economic freedom, but rather from the need to change, abolish or amend its constitutional principles. I fear trade will allow for a prosperous country, where power is concentrated in the hands of only a few, and the rest of the population must work to create products, services, that wil benefit those in other countries, while their situations stay the same, and their hope happens to vanish.